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conscious
used in Blink

105 uses
  • It doesn't seem like we have much control over whatever bubbles to the surface from our unconscious.
    Conclusion (80% in)
  • In other words, the gamblers figured the game out before they realized they had figured the game out: they began making the necessary adjustments long before they were consciously aware of what adjustments they were supposed to be making.
    Introduction (48% in)
  • It's the conscious strategy.
    Introduction (50% in)
  • It has the drawback, however, that it operates—at least at first—entirely below the surface of consciousness.
    Introduction (52% in)
  • They simply took a look at that statue and some part of their brain did a series of instant calculations, and before any kind of conscious thought took place, they felt something, just like the sudden prickling of sweat on the palms of the gamblers.
    Introduction (55% in)
  • The part of our brain that leaps to conclusions like this is called the adaptive unconscious, and the study of this kind of decision making is one of the most important new fields in psychology.
    Introduction (57% in)
  • The adaptive unconscious is not to be confused with the unconscious described by Sigmund Freud, which was a dark and murky place filled with desires and memories and fantasies that were too disturbing for us to think about consciously.
    Introduction (58% in)
  • The adaptive unconscious is not to be confused with the unconscious described by Sigmund Freud, which was a dark and murky place filled with desires and memories and fantasies that were too disturbing for us to think about consciously.
    Introduction (58% in)
  • The adaptive unconscious is not to be confused with the unconscious described by Sigmund Freud, which was a dark and murky place filled with desires and memories and fantasies that were too disturbing for us to think about consciously.
    Introduction (58% in)
  • This new notion of the adaptive unconscious is thought of, instead, as a kind of giant computer that quickly and quietly processes a lot of the data we need in order to keep functioning as human beings.
    Introduction (59% in)
  • As the psychologist Timothy D. Wilson writes in his book Strangers to Ourselves: "The mind operates most efficiently by relegating a good deal of high-level, sophisticated thinking to the unconscious, just as a modern jetliner is able to fly on automatic pilot with little or no input from the human, 'conscious' pilot.
    Introduction (61% in)
  • As the psychologist Timothy D. Wilson writes in his book Strangers to Ourselves: "The mind operates most efficiently by relegating a good deal of high-level, sophisticated thinking to the unconscious, just as a modern jetliner is able to fly on automatic pilot with little or no input from the human, 'conscious' pilot.
    Introduction (62% in)
  • The adaptive unconscious does an excellent job of sizing up the world, warning people of danger, setting goals, and initiating action in a sophisticated and efficient manner. processes a lot of the data we need in order to keep functioning as human beings.
    Introduction (62% in)
  • As the psychologist Timothy D. Wilson writes in his book Strangers to Ourselves: "The mind operates most efficiently by relegating a good deal of high-level, sophisticated thinking to the unconscious, just as a modern jetliner is able to fly on automatic pilot with little or no input from the human, 'conscious' pilot.
    Introduction (65% in)
  • As the psychologist Timothy D. Wilson writes in his book Strangers to Ourselves: "The mind operates most efficiently by relegating a good deal of high-level, sophisticated thinking to the unconscious, just as a modern jetliner is able to fly on automatic pilot with little or no input from the human, 'conscious' pilot.
    Introduction (66% in)
  • The adaptive unconscious does an excellent job of sizing up the world, warning people of danger, setting goals, and initiating action in a sophisticated and efficient manner.
    Introduction (66% in)
  • Wilson says that we toggle back and forth between our conscious and unconscious modes of thinking, depending on the situation.
    Introduction (67% in)
  • Wilson says that we toggle back and forth between our conscious and unconscious modes of thinking, depending on the situation.
    Introduction (67% in)
  • A decision to invite a co-worker over for dinner is conscious.
    Introduction (67% in)
  • The spontaneous decision to argue with that same co-worker is made unconsciously—by a different part of the brain and motivated by a different part of your personality.
    Introduction (68% in)
  • That's the power of our adaptive unconscious.
    Introduction (73% in)
  • We really only trust conscious decision making.
    Introduction (78% in)
  • Our unconscious is a powerful force.
    Introduction (87% in)
  • Harrison and Hoving and the other art experts who looked at the Getty kouros had powerful and sophisticated reactions to the statue, but didn't they bubble up unbidden from their unconscious?
    Introduction (91% in)
  • In Blink you'll meet doctors and generals and coaches and furniture designers and musicians and actors and car salesmen and countless others, all of whom are very good at what they do and all of whom owe their success, at least in part, to the steps they have taken to shape and manage and educate their unconscious reactions.
    Introduction (93% in)
  • Gottman may seem to be an odd example in a book about the thoughts and decisions that bubble up from our unconscious.
    One — The Theory of Thin Slices (14% in)
  • His work is a classic example of conscious and deliberate thinking.
    One — The Theory of Thin Slices (15% in)
  • "Thin-slicing" refers to the ability of our unconscious to find patterns in situations and behavior based on very narrow slices of experience.
    One — The Theory of Thin Slices (15% in)
  • Thin-slicing is part of what makes the unconscious so dazzling.
    One — The Theory of Thin Slices (16% in)
  • The answer is that when our unconscious engages in thin-slicing, what we are doing is an automated, accelerated unconscious version of what Gottman does with his videotapes and equations.
    One — The Theory of Thin Slices (17% in)
  • The answer is that when our unconscious engages in thin-slicing, what we are doing is an automated, accelerated unconscious version of what Gottman does with his videotapes and equations.
    One — The Theory of Thin Slices (17% in)
  • They simply end up sounding distinctive, because some part of their personality appears to express itself automatically and unconsciously in the way they work the Morse code keys.
    One — The Theory of Thin Slices (37% in)
  • I think that this is the way that our unconscious works.
    One — The Theory of Thin Slices (53% in)
  • When we leap to a decision or have a hunch, our unconscious is doing what John Gottman does.
    One — The Theory of Thin Slices (53% in)
  • And the truth is that our unconscious is really good at this, to the point where thin-slicing often delivers a better answer than more deliberate and exhaustive ways of thinking.
    One — The Theory of Thin Slices (54% in)
  • Something in the way the tennis players hold themselves, or the way they toss the ball, or the fluidity of their motion triggers something in his unconscious.
    Two — The Locked Door (6% in)
  • The evidence he used to draw his conclusions seemed to be buried somewhere in his unconscious, and he could not dredge it up.
    Two — The Locked Door (7% in)
  • This is the second critical fact about the thoughts and decisions that bubble up from our unconscious.
    Two — The Locked Door (8% in)
  • But they are also unconscious.
    Two — The Locked Door (8% in)
  • It took another seventy cards for the conscious brain to finally figure out what was going on.
    Two — The Locked Door (8% in)
  • Clearly this is part of the reason why George Soros is so good at what he does: he is someone who is aware of the value of the products of his unconscious reasoning.
    Two — The Locked Door (15% in)
  • But, in fact, what I was also doing was making the big computer in your brain—your adaptive unconscious—think about the state of being old.
    Two — The Locked Door (21% in)
  • But, in fact, what I was also doing was making the big computer in your brain—your adaptive unconscious—think about the state of being old.
    Two — The Locked Door (23% in)
  • It's an example of what is called a priming experiment, and Bargh and others have done numerous even more fascinating variations of it, all of which show just how much goes on behind that locked door of our unconscious.
    Two — The Locked Door (24% in)
  • Once you become conscious of being primed, of course, the priming doesn't work.
    Two — The Locked Door (26% in)
  • He knew enough about the strange power of unconscious influence to feel that it would make a difference, but he thought the effect would be slight.
    Two — The Locked Door (27% in)
  • But there is also, I think, a significant advantage to how secretly the unconscious does its work.
    Two — The Locked Door (41% in)
  • Your unconscious was simply telling your body: I've picked up some clues that we're in an environment that is really concerned about old age—and let's behave accordingly.
    Two — The Locked Door (43% in)
  • Your unconscious, in this sense, was acting as a kind of mental valet.
    Two — The Locked Door (43% in)
  • More precisely, they don't have that mental valet in their unconscious that frees them up to concentrate on what really matters.
    Two — The Locked Door (46% in)
  • We know, of course, that that can't be done: the machinery of our unconscious thinking is forever hidden.
    Two — The Locked Door (63% in)
  • The description that she starts with is her conscious ideal: what she believes she wants when she sits down and thinks about it.
    Two — The Locked Door (76% in)
  • It's just that Maier's hint was so subtle that it was picked up on only on an unconscious level.
    Two — The Locked Door (94% in)
  • When we ask people to explain their thinking—particularly thinking that comes from the unconscious—we need to be careful in how we interpret their answers.
    Two — The Locked Door (95% in)
  • Because everyone in that room had not one mind but two, and all the while their conscious mind was blocked, their unconscious was scanning the room, sifting through possibilities, processing every conceivable clue.
    Two — The Locked Door (99% in)
  • Because everyone in that room had not one mind but two, and all the while their conscious mind was blocked, their unconscious was scanning the room, sifting through possibilities, processing every conceivable clue.
    Two — The Locked Door (**% in)
  • His pleasure in the attentions of the bootblack's whisk reflected a consciousness about clothes unusual in a small-town man.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (5% in)
  • "Sometimes, unconsciously, Daugherty expressed it, with more fidelity to exactness, 'a great-looking President.'
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (11% in)
  • Over the past few years, a number of psychologists have begun to look more closely at the role these kinds of unconscious—or, as they like to call them, implicit—associations play in our beliefs and behavior, and much of their work has focused on a very fascinating tool called the Implicit Association Test (IAT).
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (20% in)
  • First of all, we have our conscious attitudes.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (38% in)
  • The apartheid policies of South Africa or the laws in the American South that made it difficult for African Americans to vote are manifestations of conscious discrimination, and when we talk about racism or the fight for civil rights, this is the kind of discrimination that we usually refer to.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (39% in)
  • It measures our second level of attitude, our racial attitude on an unconscious level— the immediate, automatic associations that tumble out before we've even had time to think.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (39% in)
  • We don't deliberately choose our unconscious attitudes.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (40% in)
  • The giant computer that is our unconscious silently crunches all the data it can from the experiences we've had, the people we've met, the lessons we've learned, the books we've read, the movies we've seen, and so on, and it forms an opinion.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (40% in)
  • The disturbing thing about the test is that it shows that our unconscious attitudes may be utterly incompatible with our stated conscious values.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (41% in)
  • The disturbing thing about the test is that it shows that our unconscious attitudes may be utterly incompatible with our stated conscious values.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (41% in)
  • What this unconscious first impression will do, in other words, is throw the interview hopelessly off course.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (46% in)
  • I'm sure that on a conscious level we don't think that we treat tall people any differently from how we treat short people.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (46% in)
  • But there's plenty of evidence to suggest that height—particularly in men—does trigger a certain set of very positive unconscious associations.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (47% in)
  • This is quite clearly the kind of unconscious bias that the IAT picks up on.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (55% in)
  • If Ayres's study is evidence of conscious discrimination, then the car salesmen of Chicago are either the most outrageous of bigots (which seems unlikely) or so dense that they were oblivious to every one of those clues (equally unlikely).
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (84% in)
  • What if they link those two concepts in their mind unconsciously, the same way that millions of Americans link the words "Evil" and "Criminal" with "African American" on the Race IAT, so that when women and black people walk through the door, they instinctively think "sucker"?
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (85% in)
  • These salesmen may well have a strong conscious commitment to racial and gender equality, and they would probably insist, up and down, that they were quoting prices based on the most sophisticated reading of their customers' character.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (86% in)
  • This was an unconscious reaction.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (87% in)
  • But unconscious discrimination is a little bit trickier.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (92% in)
  • They may bubble up from the unconscious—from behind a locked door inside of our brain—but just because something is outside of awareness doesn't mean it's outside of control.
    Three — The Warren Harding Error (94% in)
  • Recognizing someone's face is a classic example of unconscious cognition.
    Four — Paul Van Riper's Big Victory (42% in)
  • At the time, though, the lieutenant made none of those connections consciously.
    Four — Paul Van Riper's Big Victory (52% in)
  • All of his thinking was going on behind the locked door of his unconscious.
    Four — Paul Van Riper's Big Victory (52% in)
  • But he is also a great salesman because he understands when to put the brakes on that process: when to consciously resist a particular kind of snap judgment.
    Four — Paul Van Riper's Big Victory (88% in)
  • When we thin-slice, when we recognize patterns and make snap judgments, we do this process of editing unconsciously.
    Four — Paul Van Riper's Big Victory (89% in)
  • I think we get in trouble when this process of editing is disrupted—when we can't edit, or we don't know what to edit, or our environment doesn't let us edit. slice, when we recognize patterns and make snap judgments, we do this process of editing unconsciously.
    Four — Paul Van Riper's Big Victory (90% in)
  • And if you are given too many choices, if you are forced to consider much more than your unconscious is comfortable with, you get paralyzed.
    Four — Paul Van Riper's Big Victory (92% in)
  • And Vic Braden discovered that while people are very willing and very good at volunteering information explaining their actions, those explanations, particularly when it comes to the kinds of spontaneous opinions and decisions that arise out of the unconscious, aren't necessarily correct.
    Five — Kenna's Dilemma (19% in)
  • To put it another way, Cheskin believed that most of us don't make a distinction—on an unconscious level—between the package and the product.
    Five — Kenna's Dilemma (31% in)
  • Sure, we're conscious of one improvement and not conscious of the other, but why should that distinction matter?
    Five — Kenna's Dilemma (44% in)
  • Sure, we're conscious of one improvement and not conscious of the other, but why should that distinction matter?
    Five — Kenna's Dilemma (44% in)
  • Why should an ice cream company be able to profit only from improvements that we are conscious of?
    Five — Kenna's Dilemma (44% in)
  • Or our own unconscious?
    Five — Kenna's Dilemma (44% in)
  • We transfer to our sensation of the Coca-Cola taste all of the unconscious associations we have of the brand, the image, the can, and even the unmistakable red of the logo.
    Five — Kenna's Dilemma (46% in)
  • The gift of their expertise is that it allows them to have a much better understanding of what goes on behind the locked door of their unconscious.
    Five — Kenna's Dilemma (78% in)
  • We know unconsciously what good jam is: it's Knott's Berry Farm.
    Five — Kenna's Dilemma (83% in)
  • Every product in the supermarket can be analyzed along these lines, and after a taster has worked with these scales for years, they become embedded in the taster's unconscious.
    Five — Kenna's Dilemma (87% in)
  • Our unconscious reactions come out of a locked room, and we can't look inside that room.
    Five — Kenna's Dilemma (87% in)
  • It's a lot like what people do when they are in psychoanalysis: they spend years analyzing their unconscious with the help of a trained therapist until they begin to get a sense of how their mind works.
    Five — Kenna's Dilemma (87% in)
  • He is now teamed up with some experts in biomechanics who are going to film and digitally analyze professional tennis players in the act of serving so that they can figure out precisely what it is in the players' delivery that Braden is unconsciously picking up on.
    Five — Kenna's Dilemma (89% in)
  • What he was building, in those nights in the storerooms, was a kind of database in his unconscious.
    Five — Kenna's Dilemma (90% in)
  • He taught psychology at Princeton and Rutgers and was the author of Affect, Imagery, Consciousness, a four-volume work so dense that its readers were evenly divided between those who understood it and thought it was brilliant and those who did not understand it and thought it was brilliant.
    6 — Seven Seconds in the Bronx (15% in)
  • But our faces are also governed by a separate, involuntary system that makes expressions that we have no conscious control over.
    6 — Seven Seconds in the Bronx (37% in)
  • But even the giant computer in our unconscious needs a moment to do its work.
    6 — Seven Seconds in the Bronx (80% in)
  • They talk about racism and conscious bias.
    6 — Seven Seconds in the Bronx (87% in)
  • Our unconscious thinking is, in one critical respect, no different from our conscious thinking: in both, we are able to develop our rapid decision making with training and experience.
    6 — Seven Seconds in the Bronx (87% in)
  • Our unconscious thinking is, in one critical respect, no different from our conscious thinking: in both, we are able to develop our rapid decision making with training and experience.
    6 — Seven Seconds in the Bronx (88% in)
  • Taking our powers of rapid cognition seriously means we have to acknowledge the subtle influences that can alter or undermine or bias the products of our unconscious.
    Conclusion (76% in)
  • He did not look at the power of his unconscious as a magical force.
    Conclusion (86% in)

There are no more uses of "conscious" in Blink.

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