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revolution
used in War and Peace

23 uses
  • Why war and revolution occur we do not know.
    Book Fifteen — 1812-13 (89% in)
  • He will fulfill his vocation and crush the hydra of revolution, which has become more terrible than ever in the person of this murderer and villain!
    Book One — 1805 (2% in)
  • "I say so," he continued desperately, "because the Bourbons fled from the Revolution leaving the people to anarchy, and Napoleon alone understood the Revolution and quelled it, and so for the general good, he could not stop short for the sake of one man's life."
    Book One — 1805 (15% in)
  • "I say so," he continued desperately, "because the Bourbons fled from the Revolution leaving the people to anarchy, and Napoleon alone understood the Revolution and quelled it, and so for the general good, he could not stop short for the sake of one man's life."
    Book One — 1805 (15% in)
  • "No," cried he, becoming more and more eager, "Napoleon is great because he rose superior to the Revolution, suppressed its abuses, preserved all that was good in it—equality of citizenship and freedom of speech and of the press—and only for that reason did he obtain power."
    Book One — 1805 (15% in)
  • The Revolution was a grand thing!" continued Monsieur Pierre, betraying by this desperate and provocative proposition his extreme youth and his wish to express all that was in his mind.
    Book One — 1805 (15% in)
  • Revolution and regicide a grand thing?
    Book One — 1805 (15% in)
  • Have people since the Revolution become happier?
    Book One — 1805 (16% in)
  • To favor revolutions, overthrow everything, repel force by force?
    Book Six — 1808-10 (25% in)
  • For them all, that old-fashioned house with its gigantic mirrors, pre-Revolution furniture, powdered footmen, and the stern shrewd old man (himself a relic of the past century) with his gentle daughter and the pretty Frenchwoman who were reverently devoted to him presented a majestic and agreeable spectacle.
    Book Eight — 1811-12 (7% in)
  • Nor could there have been a war had there been no English intrigues and no Duke of Oldenburg, and had Alexander not felt insulted, and had there not been an autocratic government in Russia, or a Revolution in France and a subsequent dictatorship and Empire, or all the things that produced the French Revolution, and so on.
    Book Nine — 1812 (2% in)
  • The historians, replying to this question, lay before us the sayings and doings of a few dozen men in a building in the city of Paris, calling these sayings and doings "the Revolution"; then they give a detailed biography of Napoleon and of certain people favorable or hostile to him; tell of the influence some of these people had on others, and say: that is why this movement took place and those are its laws.
    Book Eleven — 1812 (2% in)
  • The sum of human wills produced the Revolution and Napoleon, and only the sum of those wills first tolerated and then destroyed them.
    Book Eleven — 1812 (2% in)
  • "But every time there have been conquests there have been conquerors; every time there has been a revolution in any state there have been great men," says history.
    Book Eleven — 1812 (2% in)
  • If we assume as the historians do that great men lead humanity to the attainment of certain ends—the greatness of Russia or of France, the balance of power in Europe, the diffusion of the ideas of the Revolution, general progress, or anything else—then it is impossible to explain the facts of history without introducing the conceptions of chance and genius.
    Book Fifteen — 1812-13 (39% in)
  • If the aim was the aggrandizement of France, that might have been attained without the Revolution and without the Empire.
    Book Fifteen — 1812-13 (39% in)
  • Gervinus, Schlosser, and others, for instance, at one time prove Napoleon to be a product of the Revolution, of the ideas of 1789 and so forth, and at another plainly say that the campaign of 1812 and other things they do not like were simply the product of Napoleon's misdirected will, and that the very ideas of 1789 were arrested in their development by Napoleon's caprice.
    Book Fifteen — 1812-13 (76% in)
  • The ideas of the Revolution and the general temper of the age produced Napoleon's power.
    Book Fifteen — 1812-13 (77% in)
  • But Napoleon's power suppressed the ideas of the Revolution and the general temper of the age.
    Book Fifteen — 1812-13 (77% in)
  • Do palace revolutions—in which sometimes only two or three people take part—transfer the will of the people to a new ruler?
    Book Fifteen — 1812-13 (81% in)
  • So that the greater part of the events of history—civil wars, revolutions, and conquests—are presented by these historians not as the results of free transferences of the people's will, but as results of the ill-directed will of one or more individuals, that is, once again, as usurpations of power.
    Book Fifteen — 1812-13 (82% in)
  • The theory of the transference of the collective will of the people to historic persons may perhaps explain much in the domain of jurisprudence and be essential for its purposes, but in its application to history, as soon as revolutions, conquests, or civil wars occur—that is, as soon as history begins—that theory explains nothing.
    Book Fifteen — 1812-13 (83% in)
  • On the one side reflection shows that the expression of a man's will—his words—are only part of the general activity expressed in an event, as for instance in a war or a revolution, and so without assuming an incomprehensible, supernatural force—a miracle—one cannot admit that words can be the immediate cause of the movements of millions of men.
    Book Fifteen — 1812-13 (85% in)

There are no more uses of "revolution" in War and Peace.

Typical Usage  (best examples)
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