Please enable javascript to see: 1. Leaders must overcome Montesquieu's observation that a 'rational army would run away.' – Montesquieu = French political philosopher who provided the the...

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Montesquieu
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Leaders must overcome Montesquieu's observation that a "rational army would run away."
Montesquieu = French political philosopher who provided the theoretical basis for the separation of executive, legislative, and judicial powers (1689-1755)

That was about twenty years after Montesquieu and only two years before Voltaire and Rousseau, who both died in 1778.† (source) Jostein Gaarder, Sophie's World, 1991

Yet Montesquieu says, "Were Ito give a model of an excellent Confederate Republic, it would be that of Lycia."† (source)

This division of power originated from the French Enlightenment philosopher Montesquieu.† (source) Jostein Gaarder, Sophie's World, 1991

The important names are Montesquieu, Voltaire, and Rousseau, but there were many, many others.† (source) Jostein Gaarder, Sophie's World, 1991

Montesquieu doesn't oppose a Union of the States.† (source)

Montesquieu's reasons for the separation rule clarify his meaning.† (source)

This should explain how Montesquieu' s writing supports our proposed Union.† (source)

Montesquieu's theory only refers to the SIZE of the largest MEMBERS of the Union.† (source)

1 Montesquieu says: "Of the three powers above mentioned, the judiciary is next to nothing."† (source)

The famous Montesquieu is the expert on this rule.† (source)

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Opponents of the Constitution claim that Montesquieu said that a republican government requires a small territory.† (source)

Montesquieu says that "the confederate republic of Germany" has both "free cities and petty states, subject to different princes..."† (source)

Some opponents of the Constitution take Montesquieu's idea and then suggest that the large states should be divided.† (source)

Montesquieu says that if "a popular insurrection happens in one of the States, the others are able to stop it.† (source)

Therefore, we see that Montesquieu did not strictly limit the authority of confederacies as some erroneously suggest.† (source)

When Montesquieu recommends a small area for republics, he's referring to a size much smaller than almost every one of our States.† (source)

Montesquieu: Confederate Republic† (source)

This follows Montesquieu's rule.† (source)

Montesquieu: Separation of Power† (source)

If we adopt this view of Montesquieu's ideas, we would have to either become a monarchy or split ourselves into an infinity of little, jealous, clashing nations.† (source)

Montesquieu said, "There can be no liberty where the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or body of magistrates," and "if the power of judging be not separated from the legislative and executive powers."† (source)

In order that the Revolution should take place, it does not suffice that Montesquieu should foresee it, that Diderot should preach it, that Beaumarchais should announce it, that Condorcet should calculate it, that Arouet should prepare it, that Rousseau should premeditate it; it is necessary that Danton should dare it.† (source) Victor Hugo, Les Miserables, 1862

"I am an admirer of Montesquieu," replied Prince Andrew, "and his idea that le principe des monarchies est l'honneur me parait incontestable.† (source) Leo Tolstoy, War and Peace, 1869

Montesquieu, who attributed to absolute power an authority peculiar to itself, did it, as I conceive, an undeserved honor; for despotism, taken by itself, can produce no durable results.† (source)

Montesquieu somewhere alludes to the excessive despondency of certain Roman citizens who, after the excitement of political life, were all at once flung back into the stagnation of private life.† (source)

"For instance, he is collecting a library and has made it a rule not to buy a new book till he has read what he had already bought—Sismondi and Rousseau and Montesquieu," he added with a smile.† (source) Leo Tolstoy, War and Peace, 1869

Montesquieu remarked, that nothing is more absolute than the authority of a prince who immediately succeeds a republic, since the powers which had fearlessly been intrusted to an elected magistrate are then transferred to a hereditary sovereign.† (source)

Moreover, after 1760 the colonial eyes were upon France rather than upon England, and Rousseau, Montesquieu, Voltaire and the Encyclopedists began to be familiar names to thousands who were scarcely aware of Addison and Steele, or even of the great Elizabethans.† (source)

The reasons on which Montesquieu grounds his maxim are a further demonstration of his meaning.† (source)

The oracle who is always consulted and cited on this subject is the celebrated Montesquieu.† (source)

The British Constitution was to Montesquieu what Homer has been to the didactic writers on epic poetry.† (source)

1 The celebrated Montesquieu, speaking of them, says: "Of the three powers above mentioned, the judiciary is next to nothing."† (source)

Yet Montesquieu, speaking of this association, says: "Were I to give a model of an excellent Confederate Republic, it would be that of Lycia."† (source)

Among the advantages of a confederate republic enumerated by Montesquieu, an important one is, "that should a popular insurrection happen in one of the States, the others are able to quell it.† (source)

The opponents of the plan proposed have, with great assiduity, cited and circulated the observations of Montesquieu on the necessity of a contracted territory for a republican government.† (source)

When Montesquieu recommends a small extent for republics, the standards he had in view were of dimensions far short of the limits of almost every one of these States.† (source)

This declaration corresponds precisely with the doctrine of Montesquieu, as it has been explained, and is not in a single point violated by the plan of the convention.† (source)

So far are the suggestions of Montesquieu from standing in opposition to a general Union of the States, that he explicitly treats of a CONFEDERATE REPUBLIC as the expedient for extending the sphere of popular government, and reconciling the advantages of monarchy with those of republicanism.† (source)

"As the confederate republic of Germany," says Montesquieu, "consists of free cities and petty states, subject to different princes, experience shows us that it is more imperfect than that of Holland and Switzerland."† (source)

From these facts, by which Montesquieu was guided, it may clearly be inferred that, in saying "There can be no liberty where the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or body of magistrates," or, "if the power of judging be not separated from the legislative and executive powers," he did not mean that these departments ought to have no PARTIAL AGENCY in, or no CONTROL over, the acts of each other.† (source)

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