All 29 Uses of "conviction" in "What They Fought For - 1861-1865" - Auto-generated

When prospects for the Confederacy appeared bright, these convictions took the form of an expansive nationalism.†

p. 12.1 *

It raises a barrier to our understanding of what I am convinced, after reading at least 25,000 letters and more than a hundred diaries of Civil War soldiers, were deeply felt convictions.†

p. 13.3

What seems like bathos or platitudes to us were real pathos and convictions for them.†

p. 13.5

But one might justly ask whether most Confederate soldiers shared these convictions.†

p. 13.9

Thus the groups most likely to express strong ideological convictions are overrepresented in the sample: for example, 75 percent of the soldiers from slaveholding families avowed strong patriotic convictions, compared with 42 percent among nonslaveholders; 43 percent of those from slaveholding families expressed ideological motives, compared with 27 percent of the nonslaveholding soldiers.†

p. 15.1

Thus the groups most likely to express strong ideological convictions are overrepresented in the sample: for example, 75 percent of the soldiers from slaveholding families avowed strong patriotic convictions, compared with 42 percent among nonslaveholders; 43 percent of those from slaveholding families expressed ideological motives, compared with 27 percent of the nonslaveholding soldiers.†

p. 15.2

The contrast between South Carolina and North Carolina soldiers was especially notable: 82 percent from South Carolina avowed patriotic convictions, compared with 47 percent from North Carolina.†

p. 16.6

The disparity in their degree of avowed ideological and patriotic convictions was almost as great.†

p. 16.9

In that respect, as in those of wealth, slaveholding, occupation, and education, the sample is biased toward those who had the largest stake in the Confederacy and were therefore most prone to have strong ideological convictions.†

p. 17.1

But I was finally converted when I encountered the letters of two Quaker brothers, farmers from New York State, whose ideological convictions overcame their pacifism and caused them to enlist, leaving behind a widowed mother.†

p. 34.5

How typical were these expressions of patriotic and ideological convictions?†

p. 35.1

Of 562 Union soldiers whose letters or diaries I have read, 67 percent voiced simple but strong patriotic convictions and 40 percent went further, expressing ideological purposes such as liberty, democracy, majority rule, constitutional law and order, and survival of the Revolutionary legacy of republican government as the causes for which they fought.†

p. 35.2

Using army rank as a surrogate for class, it means that patriotic and ideological convictions were shared more evenly across class lines in the Union army than among Confederate soldiers.†

p. 35.8

Among the Confederates, the highest-status groups—members of planter families and of slaveholding professional families—expressed ideological convictions at twice the rate of nonslaveholding soldiers.†

p. 35.9

To summarize: In both the Union and Confederate samples, soldiers expressed about the same degree of patriotic and ideological convictions.†

p. 36.1

But the larger disproportion of officers in the Confederate sample skews that percentage upward, and the higher degree of such convictions among enlisted men and lower-status groups in the Union sample compared with their Confederate counterparts means a greater democratization of ideological purpose among Union soldiers.†

p. 36.2

In fact, only 2 of the 562 men in the sample were black, so it is impossible to say much about the ideological convictions of the 9 percent of Union soldiers who were black except to state the truism that they were aware of fighting for the freedom of their race.†

p. 36.9

In fact, only 20 percent of my sample of 374 southern soldiers explicitly voiced these proslavery convictions in their letters and diaries.†

p. 54.1

Experience in the South reinforced the convictions of most antislavery soldiers.†

p. 58.5

Nevertheless, the evidence indicates that proemancipation convictions did predominate among the leaders and fighting soldiers of the Union army.†

p. 64.9

There was a marked difference between these two groups in the level of patriotic and ideological conviction.†

p. 15.5

Military analysts who have studied the will of armies to fight confirm this southern conviction: defense of the homeland is one of the most powerful combat motivations.†

p. 18.9

This conviction that they fought for their homes and women gave many Confederate soldiers remarkable staying power in the face of adversity.†

p. 20.6

A sergeant in the 8th Georgia on his way into Pennsylvania in June, 1863, voiced the conviction that "we [should] take horses; burn houses; and commit every depredation possible upon the men of the North ...slay them like wheat before the sythe in harvest time.†

p. 22.7

Could Union soldiers match this intensity of ideological conviction?†

p. 25.9

Confederates who said that they fought for the same goals as their forebears of 1776 would have been surprised by the intense conviction of northern soldiers that they were upholding the legacy of the American Revolution.†

p. 27.9

Many Union soldiers voiced with extraordinary passion the conviction that preservation of the United States as "the beacon light of liberty & freedom to the human race," in the words of a thirty-five-year-old Indiana sergeant, was indeed the last, best hope for the survival of republican liberties in the Western world.†

p. 30.6

At times during the first two years of the war, for every soldier who held this opinion another expressed the opposite conviction: that emancipation was an unconstitutional and illegitimate war aim.†

p. 57.4

* The second factor that converted many soldiers to support of emancipation was a growing conviction that it really did hurt the enemy and help their own side.†

p. 66.5

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