All 50 Uses

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These men and women, Republican and Democrat, serving at the local, state, and national level, are the heirs to the eight legendary senators chronicled in this book.
Chpt Intr.
The Republican party when I entered Congress was big enough to hold, for example, both Robert Taft and Wayne Morse—and the Democratic side of the Senate in which I now serve can happily embrace, for example, both Harry Byrd and Wayne Morse.
Chpt 0.1
Without consulting his senior colleagues, he proposed—only forty-eight hours after he had become a member of that august legislative body—that the Republican (Jeffersonian or Democratic) party be given proportional representation on the Governor's council.
Chpt 1.2
Nor could he expect sympathy from Jefferson's Republican Senators, who had recently completed a bitter campaign against his father and the Alien and Sedition Laws which bore his approval.
Chpt 1.2
His democratic principles also caused him to fight administration measures for imposing a government and taxes upon the residents of the Territory—thus incurring the opposition of his Republican colleagues as well.
Chpt 1.2
Turned down, and outraged when a prominent Federalist attempted to justify even the Leopard's attack, he discovered to his grim satisfaction that the Republican party was organizing a similar mass meeting to be held at the State House that very week.
Chpt 1.2
Although they hurriedly called an official town meeting to pledge hypocritically their support to the President too, they stated publicly that John Quincy Adams, for his public association with Republican meetings and causes, should "have his head taken off for apostasy ....and should no longer be considered as having any communion with the party."
Chpt 1.2
The Federalist Legislature convened at the end of May 1808, with—as the Massachusetts Republican Governor wrote Jefferson—but one "principal object—the political and even the personal destruction of John Quincy Adams."
Chpt 1.2
But the fact that he had received a few unsolicited votes in the Republican Convention as Lincoln's running mate furnished further ammunition to his enemies.
Chpt 2.5
The impeachment of President Andrew Johnson, the event in which the obscure Ross was to play such a dramatic role, was the sensational climax to the bitter struggle between the President, determined to carry out Abraham Lincoln's policies of reconciliation with the defeated South, and the more radical Republican leaders in Congress, who sought to administer the downtrodden Southern states as conquered provinces which had forfeited their rights under the Constitution.
Chpt 3.6
Senator Jim Lane of Kansas had been a "conservative" Republican sympathetic to Johnson's plans to carry out Lincoln's reconstruction policies.
Chpt 3.6
His leading role in the condemnation of Lane at Lawrence convinced the Radical Republican leaders in Congress that in Edmund G. Ross they had a solid member of that vital two-thirds.
Chpt 3.6
Every single Republican voted in the affirmative, and Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania—the crippled, fanatical personification of the extremes of the Radical Republican movement, master of the House of Representatives, with a mouth like the thin edge of an ax—warned both Houses of the Congress coldly: "Let me see the recreant who would vote to let such a criminal escape."
Chpt 3.6
Every single Republican voted in the affirmative, and Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania—the crippled, fanatical personification of the extremes of the Radical Republican movement, master of the House of Representatives, with a mouth like the thin edge of an ax—warned both Houses of the Congress coldly: "Let me see the recreant who would vote to let such a criminal escape."
Chpt 3.6
When he lost his seat in 1874, he was so hated by his own party as well as his opponents that one Republican wired concerning the Democratic sweep, "Butler defeated, everything else lost."
Chpt 3.6
To their dismay, at a preliminary Republican caucus, six courageous Republicans indicated that the evidence so far introduced was not in their opinion sufficient to convict Johnson under the Articles of Impeachment.
Chpt 3.6
But one Republican Senator would not announce his verdict in the preliminary poll—Edmund G. Ross of Kansas.
Chpt 3.6
One of his first acts in the Senate had been to read a declaration of his adherence to Radical Republican policy, and he had silently voted for all of their measures.
Chpt 3.6
When the impeachment resolution had passed the House, Senator Ross had casually remarked to Senator Sprague of Rhode Island, "Well, Sprague, the thing is here; and, so far as I am concerned, though a Republican and opposed to Mr. Johnson and his policy, he shall have as fair a trial as an accused man ever had on this earth."
Chpt 3.6
A committee of Congressmen and Senators sent to Kansas, and to the states of the other doubtful Republicans, this telegram: "Great danger to the peace of the country and the Republican cause if impeachment fails."
Chpt 3.6
Comparative peace returned to Washington as Stanton relinquished his office and Johnson served out the rest of his term, later—unlike his Republican defenders—to return triumphantly to the Senate as Senator from Tennessee.
Chpt 3.6
Neither Ross nor any other Republican who had voted for the acquittal of Johnson was ever re-elected to the Senate, not a one of them retaining the support of their party's organization.
Chpt 3.6
William Pitt Fessenden of Maine, one of the most eminent Senators, orators and lawyers of his day, and a prominent senior Republican leader, who admired Stanton and disliked Johnson, became convinced early in the game that "the whole thing is a mere madness."
Chpt 3.6
The first Republican Senator to ring out "Not guilty"—and the first of the seven to go to his grave, hounded by the merciless abuse that had dimmed all hope for re-election—was William Pitt Fessenden of Maine.
Chpt 3.6
But when the full delegation of Republican representatives from his state cornered him in his office to demand that he convict the hated Johnson, warning that Missouri Republicans could stomach no other course, Henderson's usual courage wavered.
Chpt 3.6
Peter Van Winkle of West Virginia, the last doubtful Republican name to be called on May 16, was, like Ross, a "nobody"; but his firm "Not guilty" extinguished the last faint glimmer of hope which Edmund Ross had already all but destroyed.
Chpt 3.6
A Republican convention in Chicago had resolved "That any Senator elected by the votes of Union Republicans, who at this time blenches and betrays, is infamous and should be dishonored and execrated while this free government endures."
Chpt 3.6
And an Illinois Republican leader had warned the distinguished Trumbull "not to show himself on the streets in Chicago; for I fear that the representatives of an indignant people would hang him to the most convenient lamppost."
Chpt 3.6
All were touched, yes, by his message; but stunned, too, by its impact—for Lucius Lamar of Mississippi was appealing in the name of the South's most implacable enemy, the Radical140 Republican who had helped make the Reconstruction Period a black nightmare the South never could forget: Charles Sumner of Massachusetts.
Chpt 3.7
On the one hand were those Republican leaders who believed that only by waving the bloody shirt could they maintain their support in the North and East, particularly among the Grand Army of the Republic; and who were convinced by the elections of 1868 that, if the Southern states should once again be controlled by the Democrats, those states—together with their allies in the North—would make the Republicans a permanent minority nationally.
Chpt 3.7
Although Hayes at first accepted his defeat with philosophic resignation, his lieutenants, with the cooperation of the Republican New York Times, converted the apparent certainty of Tilden's election into doubt by claiming the closely contested states of South Carolina, Louisiana and Florida—and then attempted to convert that doubt into the certainty of Hayes' election by procuring from the carpetbag governments of those three states doctored election returns.
Chpt 3.7
With rumors of violence and military dictatorship rife, Congress determined upon arbitration by a supposedly nonpartisan Electoral Commission—and Lucius Lamar, confident that an objective inquiry would demonstrate the palpable fraud of the Republican case, agreed to this solution to prevent a recurrence of the tragic conflict which had so aged his spirit and broadened his outlook.
Chpt 3.7
Four more years of Republican rule meant four more years of Southern bondage and exploitation, four more years before the South could regain her dignity and her rightful place in the nation.
Chpt 3.7
And the following day he voted "No" on the Matthews Resolution, in opposition to his colleague from Mississippi, a Negro Republican of exceptional talents elected several years earlier by the old "carpetbag" Legislature.
Chpt 3.7
It is heartening to note that the people of Mississippi continued their support of him, in spite of the fact that on three important occasions—in his eulogy of Charles Sumner, in his support of the Electoral Commission which brought about the election of the Republican Hayes and in his exception to their strongly felt stand for free silver—Lamar had stood against their immediate wishes.
Chpt 3.7
And the Assistant Speaker had no sooner reached the door of the Chamber when Republican Representative George W. Norris of Nebraska walked over to Representative Smith and asked if he might be recognized for two minutes.171 Smith, a member of the Cannon-Dalzell Republican ruling clique but a personal friend of Norris', agreed.
Chpt 4.8
And the Assistant Speaker had no sooner reached the door of the Chamber when Republican Representative George W. Norris of Nebraska walked over to Representative Smith and asked if he might be recognized for two minutes.171 Smith, a member of the Cannon-Dalzell Republican ruling clique but a personal friend of Norris', agreed.
Chpt 4.8
Panic broke out in the Republican leadership.
Chpt 4.8
The overthrow of Cannonism broke the stranglehold which the conservative Republican leaders had held over the Government and the nation; and it also ended whatever favors the Representative from Nebraska had previously received at their hands.
Chpt 4.8
For when George Norris had first entered the House of Representatives in 1903, fresh from the plains of Nebraska, he had been a staunch, conservative Republican, "sure of my position," as he later wrote, "unreasonable in my convictions, and unbending in my opposition to any other political party or political thought except my own."
Chpt 4.8
In letters to the Governor and the Republican State Chairman, he urged a special election, agreeing to abide by the result and to waive whatever constitutional rights protected him from recall.
Chpt 4.8
Attempting to get the Republican National Committeeman to act as chairman of the meeting, he was warned by that worthy gentleman that it was "not possible for this meeting to be held without trouble."
Chpt 4.8
In 1928, despite his continued differences with the Republican party and its administrations, the Nebraska Senator was one of the party's most prominent members, Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee and a potential Presidential nominee.
Chpt 4.8
With an oath he rejected the suggestion that he accept a position as Herbert Hoover's running mate, and he attacked the Republican Convention's platform and the methods by which it had selected its nominees.
Chpt 4.8
In those years prior to the establishment of the T.V.A., the Senator from Nebraska was the nation's most outspoken advocate of public power; and he believed that the "monopolistic power trust" had dictated the nomination of Hoover and the Republican platform.
Chpt 4.8
George Norris was a Republican, a Midwesterner, a Protestant and a "dry," and Herbert Hoover was all of those things.
Chpt 4.8
Surely Smith could have little support in Nebraska, which was also Republican, Midwestern, Protestant and dry by nature.
Chpt 4.8
Any man even though he be the strictest kind of Republican, who does not believe the things I stand for are right, should follow his convictions and vote against me.
Chpt 4.8
As his train sped through the state on the way to Omaha, where he was to speak for Smith over a nationwide radio hookup, long-time friends and Republican leaders climbed aboard to appeal in the name of his party and career.
Chpt 4.8
Old Guard Republican leaders had previously insisted, at least privately, that Norris was "no Republican," a charge they now made openly.
Chpt 4.8

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Definitions:

(1) (republic as in: the country is a republic)
of a system of government in which a majority of citizens elect representatives to make laws; or someone in favor of such a form of government
(2) (meaning too common or too rare to warrant focus)
As a proper noun, the word form Republican is commonly used to describe one of the major U.S. political parties. It is and has been used by many other organizations such as The Irish Republican Army.

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